pro-life/anti-BC...how's it workin?

iVillage Member
Registered: 08-30-2005
pro-life/anti-BC...how's it workin?
137
Tue, 02-24-2009 - 7:05pm

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/cristina-page/pro-life-movement-admits_b_169489.html

Just proof that it isn't a pro-life movement to these people, it's a chance to control women, control behaviour, and promote ignorance.

Gee, who would've thought that by restricting birth control, the abortion rate would go up?

Pages

iVillage Member
Registered: 06-17-2007
Wed, 03-25-2009 - 5:40pm

"Most women dont get an abortion in the first nine weeks."

I'd like to see a statistic for this claim, please.

"A 2006 poll conducted by CBS News finds a majority of Americans oppose virtually all abortions in the United States. Those polled said they want either no abortions to occur or for abortion to be limited to very rare circumstances."

Yet my body is not a democracy. I don't recall asking the American population how they felt about my gallbladder surgery, so why should they get a say in any other medical procedure I may need?




Powered by CGISpy.com


Thanks to Heather (blessedmom0508) for the beautiful signatures!
Lilypie 1st Birthday PicLilypie 1st Birthday Ticker
PhotobucketPhotobucket
Photobucket

Photobucket




Powered by CGISpy.com


Thanks

iVillage Member
Registered: 04-10-2003
Wed, 03-25-2009 - 5:40pm

<>

And I'm betting my passion for choice and women's rights is equally as fervent ;-)

<>

POTENTIAL life.

<>

Impossibe. There is no person until birth. have referenced links, will provide per request.

<>

Equally impossible- and the Silent Scream has been debunked. Have MANY links- don't make me post them, LOL ;-)

<< Nurses and doctors are no longer as willing to do this as once was. THey are there in that room day after day and see the devastation inflicted on the babies. >>

MAybe it's getting death threats and the constant fear of ebing blown up by rabid PL protesters, LOL?

<>

LOL- many women have no regrets.

<>

None of which mitigate the inherent short and long term risks inherent in continued gestation and childbirth.

.
.
.



iVillage Member
Registered: 06-17-2007
Wed, 03-25-2009 - 5:42pm

Forgot to address this:

"I wanted each one of my children and abortion never entered my mind at all no matter what the abortion advocates promote."

Who are these phantom "abortion advocates" who want women to terminate wanted pregnancies? Exactly who are these people?




Powered by CGISpy.com


Thanks to Heather (blessedmom0508) for the beautiful signatures!
Lilypie 1st Birthday PicLilypie 1st Birthday Ticker
PhotobucketPhotobucket
Photobucket

Photobucket




Powered by CGISpy.com


Thanks

iVillage Member
Registered: 04-10-2003
Wed, 03-25-2009 - 5:45pm

<< I think if a young woman were to give up her child for adoption she would be less likely to continue to have children without responsiblity. Dont you think? Somewhere along the way a light bulb might go off. Gee, that was really stupid of me. I really dont want to give away my children.>>

Adoption is a parenting choice. Abortion is a pregnancy choice. Adoption does absolutely NOTHING to mitigate the inherent and unique short and long terms risk of continued gestation and childbirth.

<< * The overwhelming majority of all abortions, (95%), are done as a means of birth control.U.S. Abortion Statistics, U.S. State abortion statistics, by Race, by Age, Worldwide abortion statistics, teen abortion statistics

* Only 1% are performed because of rape or incest;
* 1% because of fetal abnormalities;
* 3% due to the mother's health problems.

>>

Your point? The reasons are actually totally irrelevant to the basis for the right to choose.

.
.
.



iVillage Member
Registered: 05-06-2007
Wed, 03-25-2009 - 5:45pm
I think you are my long lost twin. No joke.

Photobucket Meez 3D avatar avatars games Photobucket


pgwith2.gif picture by hammaritastaystucklittleone.gif picture by hammarita1sttrimester.gif picture by hammarita


daughter-1.jpg picture by hammaritafamily-2.png picture by hammaritaduenov.gif picture by hammarita


melissajune21.jpg picture by ambersspace


&nbs

iVillage Member
Registered: 03-23-2009
Wed, 03-25-2009 - 5:45pm

Abortion is no longer primarily an act of teenage desperation; instead, more and more it is the calculated choice of adults unwilling to accept responsibility for their behavior. Abortion is becoming more “rare” among the nation’s teens, but a larger percentage of women in their mid to late 20s –– women who are supposed to be responsible, mature and informed –– are, to put it bluntly, using abortion as a form of birth control.


Sensible people are glad to see that teen abortions are declining dramatically and that the total number of abortions is also declining. The abstinence message is getting through to teens, and sonogram technology is making possible increased awareness of the humanity of those babies in the womb.


It is also good news that between 1994 and 1998, the number of abortion clinics in the United States decreased by more than 40 percent simply because not enough doctors are willing to provide the abortions and fewer women are asking for them. In addition, more and more doctors are refusing to perform abortions and many medical students are declining to become licensed for the procedure.


While abortion clinics are closing because of the decline in business, Pregnancy Resource Centers (PRCs) are springing up everywhere. In 1980, there were only 500 across the nation. By 1990 there were 2,000, and now there are at least 4,000.


That’s the good news on the abortion front.


The bad news is that abortions to women over 25 have risen dramatically. Over the past decade, the percentage has grown from 35 percent of the total number of abortions to more than 48 percent in 2000. This contrasts with teen abortions, which have declined during the same period, and abortions to women 20-24, which have remained stable at about one-third of the total.


The real shocker, though, is that it is more common for women to have repeat abortions (some four or more) and to have abortions after already giving birth to living children. Obviously, 25-year-old women and women who are already mothers should know how to exercise self-control and to use contraceptives responsibly and effectively.

iVillage Member
Registered: 05-06-2007
Wed, 03-25-2009 - 5:46pm
You really need to cite your source or that's just flat out plagiarism.

Photobucket Meez 3D avatar avatars games Photobucket


pgwith2.gif picture by hammaritastaystucklittleone.gif picture by hammarita1sttrimester.gif picture by hammarita


daughter-1.jpg picture by hammaritafamily-2.png picture by hammaritaduenov.gif picture by hammarita


melissajune21.jpg picture by ambersspace


&nbs

iVillage Member
Registered: 03-23-2009
Wed, 03-25-2009 - 5:48pm

Sadly, abortion has made it easier for irresponsible men to turn their backs on women and the children they conceive. Ironically, though, most unmarried women are living with the man who fathered their child. Nevertheless, they do not even consider marriage and never consider releasing the child for adoption to a couple on the long lists of those desperate to have a child. Many women would not consider marrying because they "have to," and they think that giving a child up for adoption is "cruel." Yet, it is not considered cruel to abort an “unwanted” child that the man is unwilling to support.


During the time that the number of repeat abortions has been increasing, the number of women who choose abortion for the first time has decreased very steadily. Women who had not previously had a live birth accounted for 90 percent of the decline in the number of abortions from 1990 to 2000 –– only 40 percent of all abortions. By the late 1990s, though, more than 45 percent of all abortions were being performed on women with previous abortions. By the year 2000, the share of abortions accounted for by women with children increased to 60 percent of the total.


In summary, over the past couple of decades, abortion has enabled women to engage in sexual activity without marriage or any other commitment –– regardless of whether either person is able or willing to commit to a permanent relationship and regardless of whether either person is willing or able to take responsibility for the consequences. That’s the driving force behind the so-called “pro-choice” movement.

iVillage Member
Registered: 06-17-2007
Wed, 03-25-2009 - 5:51pm

"Assuming the risk of pregnancy (potentially life-threatening) should not be punishment."

One thing that we don't talk about much is what would happen if you forced 1 million women each year to gestate. I don't know about you, but if I were forced to gestate, I might not stop doing the things I'm not supposed to do while pregnant, like drinking. I might not do the things I'm supposed to do, like get regular prenatal care. Unless, in banning abortion, this country intended to create a police state for pregnant women.

Never underestimate the urge to be contrary. Some women would sabotage the fetus just to spite the lawmakers who forced them into that situation.




Powered by CGISpy.com


Thanks to Heather (blessedmom0508) for the beautiful signatures!
Lilypie 1st Birthday PicLilypie 1st Birthday Ticker
PhotobucketPhotobucket
Photobucket

Photobucket




Powered by CGISpy.com


Thanks

iVillage Member
Registered: 04-10-2003
Wed, 03-25-2009 - 5:52pm

<>

http://www.plannedparenthood.org/pp2/portal/medicalinfo/abortion/fact-abortion-silent-scream.xml

The Facts Speak Louder Than "The Silent Scream"

Table Of Contents:
Introduction
Medical Inaccuracies in The Silent Scream
Misleading Statements, Exaggerations and Innuendoes in The Silent Scream
Questions and Other Problems

In the mid-1980s, leaders of the anti-abortion movement produced a video called The Silent Scream.

The video, epitomizing the anti-abortion agenda and strategy, tried to shift the focus of the abortion debate away from compassion for the health and needs of the woman to an exaggerated concern for the fetus.

Although riddled with scientific, medical, and legal inaccuracies as well as misleading statements and exaggerations, The Silent Scream is still wildly popular with anti-abortion zealots. And it continues to be a key tool in their propaganda efforts.

Originally designed to frighten American women away from choosing abortion, the video is now shown worldwide to troubled women who turn to so-called "crisis pregnancy centers" for assistance with their problem pregnancies. Clips from the film even run continuously on the World Wide Web.

As soon as it was released, Planned Parenthood recognized that The Silent Scream would be used to propagate harmful myths that could endanger women's health and the constitutional right to choose abortion and jeopardize the lives and careers of abortion providers. To expose these distortions and deceits, Planned Parenthood convened a panel of medical experts to review and critique the video. Panel members were:

Sally Faith Dorfman, MD
Assistant Professor, Albert Einstein College of Medicine, Assistant Clinical Professor, Mount Sinai Hart Peterson, MD
Chief of Pediatric Neurology, New York Hospital, Clinical Professor of Neurology in Pediatrics, Cornell University Medical Center
William Rashbaum, MD
Assistant Clinical Professor, Albert Einstein College of Medicine Seymour L. Romney, MD
Professor, Ob/Gyn, Director, Gynecological Cancer Research, and former Chairman, Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Albert Einstein College of Medicine
Allan Rosenfield, MD
Professor, Ob/Gyn and Public Health, Acting Chairman, Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology Director, Center for Population and Family Health, College of Physicians and Surgeons, Columbia University Herbert G. Vaughan, Jr. MD
Professor of Neuroscience, Neurology and Pediatrics, Director, Rose F. Kennedy Center for Research in Mental Retardation and Human Development, Albert Einstein College of Medicine
Ming-Neng Yeh, MD
Associate Clinical Professor, Dept. of Ob/Gyn Ultrasound Laboratory, Columbia Presbyterian Medical Center.

Here is their critique, The Facts Speak Louder, as it was first published in 1985:

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The Facts Speak Louder

The Planned Parenthood Critique of The Silent Scream

Introduction

Those who seek to restrict or eliminate access to safe, legal abortion in this country have launched another attack in their desperate attempt to win the hearts and minds of the American public. This approach consists of a "documentary" film titled The Silent Scream, which allegedly portrays the performance of an abortion done under ultrasonography.

The film represents an attempt to shift the focus in the abortion debate to the fetus and away from any concern or compassion for women in need of abortion services. It is an attempt to deny the desperation that once forced American women into the life-threatening, humiliating experiences of the unsafe and often lethal abortions.

The Silent Scream, which was hailed by President Reagan, sent to every member of Congress, shown in part or in toto on television news and other programs across the country, and whose text was read into the Congressional Record, has been treated as factual, when the opposite is true.

From its title, to the description of a fetus as a "person," through the descriptive narration provided by Dr. Bernard Nathanson, the documentary aspects of this film are flawed and biased. The film is riddled with scientific, medical, and legal inaccuracies, misleading statements, and exaggerations. And through innuendo, the film attempts to denigrate the efforts of Planned Parenthood and other reproductive health and rights organizations to provide safe, legal, inexpensive reproductive health care services, including abortion, for women who want and need these services.

Planned Parenthood Federation of America, in an effort to increase public awareness about the film's flaws and biases, convened a panel of internationally known and respected physicians who are expert in various disciplines to review and critique The Silent Scream. The panel's finding are incorporated in this booklet.

Planned Parenthood Federation of America is committed to assuring that all individuals have the freedom to make their own decisions about whether or when to have a child. To help individuals make and implement those decisions, Planned Parenthood is committed to expanding access to all of the information and services needed to prevent unintended pregnancies.

Likewise, for all women who are faced with unwanted pregnancies, Planned Parenthood is committed to preserving the constitutionally protected right to obtain medically safe, legal abortions.

Medical Inaccuracies in The Silent Scream

Claim:
The 12-week fetus experiences pain.

Facts:
At this stage of the pregnancy, the brain and nervous system are still in a very early stage of development. The beginnings of the brain stem, which includes a rudimentary thalamus and spinal cord, is being formed. Most brain cells are not developed. Without a cerebral cortex (gray matter covering the brain), pain impulses cannot be received or perceived. Additionally, experts find that newborns at 26-27 weeks' gestation (24-25 weeks' fetal age) who survive have significantly less response to pain than do full term newborns.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists

Statement on Pain of the Fetus
We know of no legitimate scientific information that supports the statement that a fetus experiences pain early in pregnancy.

We do know that the cerebellum attains its final configuration in the seventh month and that mylenization (or covering) of the spinal cord and the brain begins between the 20th and 40th weeks of pregnancy. These, as well as other neurological developments, would have to be in place for the fetus to receive pain.

To feel pain, a fetus needs neurotransmitted hormones. In animals, these complex chemicals develop in the last third of gestation. We know of no evidence that humans are different.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Claim:
The 12-week fetus makes purposeful movements (e.g., agitated movement in an attempt to avoid suction cannula).

Facts:
At this stage of pregnancy, all fetal movement is reflexive in nature rather than purposeful, since the latter requires cognition, which is the ability to perceive and know. For cognition to occur, the cortex (gray matter covering the brain) must be present, as well as myelinization (covering sheath) of the spinal cord and attached nerves, which is not the case.

An example of the reflex withdrawal without pain occurs in an anencephalic (absent brain) newborn. Another known example of the reflex movement at this stage of human pregnancy is thumb sucking in utero.

What is termed "frantic activity" by the fetus is a reflex response of the fetus resulting from movement of the uterus and its contents induced by operator manipulation of the suction curette or the ultrasound transducer on the abdomen. This same type of response would likely occur with any external stimulus. A one-cell organism such as an amoeba will reflexively move or display a withdrawal reaction when touched.

In addition, experts in ultrasonography and film technology have concluded that the videotape of the abortion was deliberately slowed down and subsequently speeded up to create an impression of hyperactivity.

Claim:
Ultrasonogram depicts the open mouth of the fetus.

Facts:
The mouth of the fetus cannot be identified in the ultrasound image with certainty. The statement that the screen identifies the open mouth of the fetus is a subjective and misleading interpretation by Dr. Nathanson. His conclusion is not supportable.

Claim:
The fetus emits "The Silent Scream."

Facts:
A scream cannot occur without air in the lungs. Although primitive respiratory movements do occur in the later stages of gestation, crying or screaming cannot occur even then. In fact, a child born prematurely at 26-27 weeks' gestation (24-25 weeks' fetal age) cannot scream but occasionally emits weak cries.

Claim:
A fetus is indistinguishable from any of the rest of us.

Facts:
A fetus of 12 weeks cannot in any way be compared to a fully formed functioning person. At this stage only rudiments of the organ systems are present. The fetus is unable to sustain life outside the woman's womb, it is incapable of conscious thought; it is incapable of essential breathing. It is instead an in utero fetus with the potential of becoming a child.

Claim:
Fetal head at 12 weeks requires the use of "crushing instruments" for extraction.

Facts:
At 12 weeks' gestation (10 weeks' fetal age) and even 1-2 weeks beyond, instrumentation other than a suction cannula is not required when abortion is properly performed. Cannulas for aspiration abortion come in varying sizes, and the larger sizes are adequate for withdrawing the contents of the uterus.

Misleading Statements, Exaggerations and Innuendoes in The Silent Scream

Claim:
"Brain waves have existed for six weeks" in the fetus displayed on the screen.

Expert Opinion:
Although some electrical impulses have been recorded as early as 10 weeks' gestation, these cannot be interpreted as or compared with brain waves. Genuine brain waves do not occur until the third trimester.

Claim:
Fetal heart rate rose from 140 to 200, which is abnormally high and reflective of fetal response to "imminent mortal danger."

Expert Opinion:
The heart rate of the fetus portrayed in the film does not change significantly at any time. Nevertheless, a fetal heart rate of 200 is within the normal range (normal 180-200 beats per minute) for this stage of pregnancy. It is also unlikely that the fetus had a heart rate of 140 that rose to 200. A rate of 140 is generally noted in the latter half of pregnancy.

Claim:
The large, well-developed fetal model intermittently picked up and displayed during the narrative of the abortion procedure is representative of a 12-week fetus.

Expert Opinion:
The fetal model displayed during the abortion procedure is much larger than a fetus of a 12 weeks' gestation model visualized by ultrasonography. The model compared in size to a fetus of 18 weeks' gestation (about 14cm or 5½" in crown-rump length ) as opposed to a fetus of 12 weeks gestation (about 6cm or 2½" in CRL). Such an inaccurate comparison is invalid.

Claim:
Many women who have an abortion suffer severe and lasting psychological damage.

Expert Opinion:
Serious emotional problems following abortion are uncommon. Most women report a sense of relief, although some may experience temporary depression. Serious psychological disturbances after abortion occur less frequently than after childbirth.

Claim:
There were 100,000 illegal abortions annually in the US in 1963.

Expert Opinion:
100,000 illegal abortions is considered by experts to be an underestimation. Although there are no accurate data on the number of illegal abortions prior to its legal performance, Dr. Christopher Tietze, a demographer who was known worldwide for the scientific quality of his work, estimated that in 1963, the numbers ranged between 200,000 and 1,200,000. It is generally believed that the figure was closer to the higher level, and has risen little since abortion was legalized (currently about 1,500,000). In 1963, only those botched abortions having serious complications requiring hospitalization could be counted. Without a legal requirement for reporting, there are no accurate estimations as to what percentage of the degrading, dangerous, illegal abortions was successful without such complications.

Claim:
The crime syndicate is heavily involved in the abortion industry today.

Expert Opinion:
There is nothing to prove or even suggest that the crime syndicate is currently involved in the provision of abortion services. However, it is a well-known fact that organized crime was heavily involved with illegal abortion. The high cost of illegal abortion made it lucrative for underworld elements. In the 1960s, illegal abortions cost from $750 to several thousand dollars. Considering inflation rates over the past 20 years, the cost of illegal abortions now would be more than triple that of the 1960s. Today the average cost for a first-trimester abortion is $200.

Claim:
Quoting from Williams' Obstetrics, the fetus is amenable to intrauterine therapy and is to be considered as a second patient.

Expert Opinion:
The statement in Williams Obstetrics text is true and intended to stimulate further interest and research in fetal and maternal relationships so as to improve the health of the mother and the autonomous newborn. However, in the film presentation, Dr. Nathanson focuses only on the fetus, totally ignoring the pregnant woman, who is the first patient and the thrust of the text. He misconstrues Williams' statement and implies that Williams considers the fetus the primary patient—an unacceptable premise under any circumstances.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Questions and Other Problems

Question:
Does a first-trimester abortion take so long to perform? It seemed to go on for a very extended period of time.

Answer:
No, an uncomplicated first-trimester abortion usually takes less than ten minutes to perform.

Question:
Is it appropriate to refer to a fetus as unborn child, with the same right as other human beings?

Answer:
No. Constitutionally, a fetus has no rights of personhood. Most legal precedent in English law attributes personhood to the live born.

Question:
The film generates sympathy for the fetus. What about the woman who needs an abortion? She is conspicuously absent from the film.

Answer:
The film ignores the plight of the woman seeking abortion and instead tries to shift the focus to the fetus. It is essential that this defect of the film be placed in correct perspective by reminding people of the horrors to which women were subjected when abortion was illegal, the fact that current contraceptive methods fail, as well as the critical situations that can occur in a women's life which lead her to seek and obtain an abortion.

It must be remembered that the US Supreme Court did not invent abortion when it legalized the procedure with its 1973 Roe v. Wade decision. Illegal, unsafe abortion existed for hundreds and probably thousands of years, and it still exists in some societies. Legislation to prohibit abortion will not work. Even if illegal, as in the pre-1973 era, women of means would continue to have access to abortion, whereas those who could not pay the price of safe abortion would be forced into the degrading, back-alley tragedies of the past.

Question:
If Dr. Nathanson is so anti-abortion, how could he participate in the filming of an actual abortion procedure?

Answer:
By involving himself in the performance of an abortion, which he states in the film is, in his opinion, the murder of an unborn person, and by misrepresenting the medical facts that are widely known, Nathanson fits the category of a zealot. Zealots will stop at nothing in their attempts to win their cause. Such zeal encourages the kind of fanaticism that exists among those who

Question:
What about the dead fetuses in disposal containers that are flashed on the screen? Are they all products of late abortion?

Answer:
Most of these fetuses are so large and in such a state of deterioration that they are actually stillborns (fetuses spontaneously born dead) rather than aborted fetuses. It is possible that some of the smaller fetuses resulted from late saline abortion. Late abortions (after 22 weeks' gestation) constitute less than one percent of all abortions. Many late abortions are performed as a result of fetal abnormalities that can only be diagnosed later in pregnancy or other extreme hardship cases.

Question:
What is our response to Dr. Nathanson's statement that Planned Parenthood does not obtain informed consent for abortion, and should show the film to all women requesting termination of pregnancy?

Answer:
Planned Parenthood takes great care to advise and counsel women and their partners of the various options for managing an unwanted pregnancy. These include continuing the pregnancy with the options of keeping the child or giving it up for adoption, or having an abortion. Those who elect abortion are advised, as with other surgical procedures, of the risks and benefits that may be associated with the procedure. They are given a written fact sheet detailing the potential complications that can occur with abortion. As part of an individual counseling session, all questions are answered and an informed request form for the procedure is signed. For those who wish further information about the fetus and its developmental stages, this information is provided. To require that women receive such information or view the film when they do not wish it is punitive. The Supreme Court has declared that such requirements go beyond the bounds of information required for informed consent and have struck down restrictive ordinances that would impose such requirements.

http://www.violence.de/prescott/humanist/abortion.html
The Abortion of The Silent Scream
James W. Prescott
Appendix C in Doerr, Edd and Prescott, James W. (Eds.): Abortion Rights and Fetal 'Personhood', 2nd Ed. Long Beach (1990); originally published in The Humanist, September/October l986.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The anti-abortion movement's members would have us believe that their concern for fetal life is derived from a broad base of respect for human life and a concern for human pain, suffering, and violence. The production of the film The Silent Scream is an attempt to dramatize those concerns by illustrating alleged fetal pain and suffering during an abortion procedure.

The perception of pain is a complex biological and psychological phenomenon that involves states of "consciousness" which can probably never be fully understood or known for certain stages of fetal development. Relevant to this inquiry are certain neurobiological and biobehavioral facts concerning states of "consciousness" and "pain" perception during fetal development that should be known by all concerned citizens.

Patricia A. Jaworski has produced an audio tape, "Thinking About the Silent Scream," in which she interviews several internationally renowned neuroscientists on fetal brain development, the alleged fetal perception of "pain," and alleged fetal "personhood." Some of the highlights of those interviews are summarized in the following paragraphs.

Dr. Michael Bennett, chairman of the neuroscience department of Albert Einstein Medical School, when asked whether a brain exists at conception and whether there can be a person without a brain, answered with an unequivocal "no!" to both questions. It was pointed out that the human brain has approximately 100 billion brain cells and that there are an estimated 100 trillion connections between neurons in the brain. This extraordinary neuronal "interconnectivity" provides the neurostructural foundation for complex perceptions and "personhood" and takes many months and often years to fully develop and function.

Dr. Patricia Goldman-Rakic, professor of neuroscience at Yale University Medical School, emphasizes that brain neurons do not exist prior to four weeks in utero, that the peak period for brain neuron development is from two to five months in utero, and that the existence of neurons, per se, does not indicate the existence of a developed, functioning brain. Once the brain cell is born, there is a long process of migration of brain cells that occurs mainly from two to six months in utero during which the brain cells move (migrate) to their final destination in the brain. An even longer process of development makes possible the "interconnectivity" of brain cells which is absolutely essential for sensation, perception, conscious experience, thought, and behavior. The formation of brain synapses that make possible brain cell communication does not begin until about the third month in utero, and most are formed after birth.

Dr. Clifford Grobstein, former chairman of the Department of Biology at Stanford University and now at the University of California at San Diego, highlights the complexity of brain development by noting that the brain docs not develop uniformly. For example, certain parts of the brain develop earlier and some later. The cerebral neocortex that is responsible for complex perceptions is one of the last to develop.

Dr. Dominick Purpura, dean of Albert Einstein Medical School, has been studying human brain development since 1974 with his research on mental retardation. Dr. Purpura emphasizes that there are a minimum number of neurons and synaptic connections that are necessary before the qualities of "humanness" and "personhood" can be developed and that this capacity begins to occur in the middle of the last trimester. Thus, about twenty-eight to thirty weeks in utero is the minimal time for the beginning of this capacity—"It can't begin earlier," according to Dr. Purpura.

Dr. Purpura also emphasizes that critical changes are seen in the fetal brain wave pattern at thirty-one weeks when the brain waves become more organized and, thus, meuninglul; the first signs of sleep and wakefulness are not observed until a few weeks later. It is emphasized that all cells have electrical potentials and that the mere presence of such signals, per se, does not mean that the capacity for complex perceptions or "personhood" exists. How these neuronal signals become organized and reflect underlying neuronal and structural organization is fundamental to understanding the basic neurobiological pnnciple that structure precedes function.

Thus, it can be concluded that neither pain perception nor personhood exists at conception and that the beginning capacity for personhood may only begin at twenty-eight to thirty weeks in utero. Why, then, the film The Silent Scream, with all its deliberate distortions and errors of fact? It is the intent of this socio-psychological study to address the producers and supporters of The Silent Scream—a film which has been offered as a manifestation of their compassion for human pain, suffering, and violence—to illustrate through a review of both previous and new data that their motivation for The Silent Scream was not fetal well-being. This study will show that the anti-abortion motivation behind the producers and supporters of The Silent Scream resides in an authoritarian control and denial of the fundamental human right of self-determination and the sexual expression of affection and love as a basic right of all persons.

In the production of The Silent Scream questions must be raised as to the elements of compassion and malevolence that made that film possible. Presumably, those who abhor abortion under any circumstances would not support any abortion, including participation in filming an abortion they consider to be a murder! Why did the anti-abortionists not stop the filming of the abortion and the abortion itself which made the film possible? Or is the fetus simply an object to be exploited for ulterior motives—like the children of the anti-abortion cultures?

Is it appropriate to compare from a moral perspective the production of The Silent Scream and the production of "snuff" films in which women are enticed into a sexual encounter and, unknown to them, are scheduled for sexual torture, mutilation, and murder? Assuming that abortion is murder and "snuff" is murder, do the producers and supporters of these two kinds of films share a certain common morality? If so, what would be the nature of that common morality?

When the Reverent R.L. Hymers, Jr., pastor of the Fundamentalist Baptist Tabernacle in Los Angeles, called Supreme Court Justice William J. Brennan, Jr., a "baby killer" and led his four-hundred member congregation in prayer to ask God to kill Brennan so that President Reagan could replace him with a judge who opposes abortion, does this not reinforce a common morality of violence in the anti-abortionist mentality as it is reflected in The Silent Scream and the fire-bombings of abortion clinics and personnel? (See, The Washington Post, June 2, 1986.)

Since the morality of pain and pleasure reside at the core of abortion controversy, it may be helpful to reflect upon the following data as these moral questions are addressed.

In an attempt to clarify the ideological and motivational structure of the anti-abortion personality and "sub-culture;" this writer published a series of research articles that addressed these issues (Prescott, 1975; 1978; Prescott and Wallace, 1978). A summary of these findings would appear helpful as a background to the new studies reported herein which will shed further light on the lack of compassion for human pain, suffering, and violence that is a salient characteristic of the militant anti-abortion movement.

The question of whether abortion represents a "murderous" act or a "benevolent" act is addressed in the 1975 article in The Humanist by examining the social behavioral characteristics of primitive cultures that permitted or punished abortion and by examining the relationship between voting patterns in the Canadian Federal Parliament on abortion and capital punishment legislation.

It was hypothesized that, if abortion reflected a "murderous" violent act, then the cultures which permitted abortion should be similarly characterized; conversely, if abortion reflected a benevolent act, then the cultures which permitted abortion should also be characterized as benevolent and peaceful. Similarly hypothesized was whether votes on abortion rights correlated positively or negatively with votes on capital punishment.

In brief, the following relationships were obtained from twenty-one primitive cultures where coded anthropological information was available on abortion and other behaviors:

55% of cultures that punish abortion practice slavery while 92% of cultures that permit abortion prohibit slavery.
73% of cultures that punish abortion also torture, mutilate, and kill enemy captured in warfare while 80% of cultures that permit abortion do not torture, mutilate, and kill enemy captured in warfare.
78% of cultures that punish abortion punish premarital coitus while 67% of cultures that permit abortion permit premarital coitus.
88% of cultures that punish abortion punish extramarital coitus while 67% of cultures that permit abortion permit extramarital coitus.
70% of cultures that punish abortion exploit children while 78% of cultures that permit abortion do not exploit children.
With respect to the voting patterns in the Canadian Parliament on abortion and capital punishment, the following relationships were established:

1. 59% voted for abortion rights and against capital punishment. 2. 21% voted against abortion rights and for capital punishment. 3. 80% supported a statistically valid relationship between anti-choice and anti-life voting patterns, and vice versa.

These voting patterns in the Canadian Parliament were consistent with the data obtained from primitive cultures that established a strong relationship between anti-choice and anti-life sentiments. It was concluded that the above data did not support the anti-abortion movement's claim to be a "Right to Life" movement and, in fact, supported the opposite.

In a further effort to validate the above relationships, this writer examined the voting patterns in the United States Senate on bills involving abortion, capital punishment, support of the Vietnam War, support of the "no-knock" law (police did not need a court order to break into a private home), and opposition to gun control legislation (Prescott, 1978).

In summary, the following statistically significant relationships were obtained between abortion and bills on human violence:

1. 71% valid relationship between anti-choice beliefs and support of capital punishment and its converse relationship. 2. 72% valid relationship between anti-choice beliefs and support of the Vietnam War and its converse relationship. 3. 65% valid relationship between anti-choice beliefs and support of the "no-knock" law and its converse relationship. 4. 71% valid relationship between anti-choice beliefs and and opposition to handgun control and the converse relationship.

The preceding data are fully consistent with and cross-validate the findings obtained from primitive cultures and from and Canadian Parliament that established a strong relationship between anti-abortion beliefs and suppott of human oppression and violence, and the converse relationship.

In a further examination of these relationships, this writer utilized the National Farmers Union ratings of U.S. senators on a scale from zero to one hundred to study the senators' support of legislation that helped families and their children—such as support of school lunch and milk programs. This rating was based upon the senators' voting records on fifteen different bills and was interpreted by this writer as a valid and reliable measure of family nurturance. It was found that the average Family Nurturance Score of senators who supported abortion rights of women and opposed capital punishment was ninety-six out of one hundred. The average family nurturance score of the senators who opposed abortion rights of women and supported capital punishment was forty-four out of one hundred—less than half of the family nurturance score of the pro-choice senators.

It was concluded from the above data that the anti-abortion ideology did not reflect compassion and respect for human life but, rather, an ideology of authoritarian control over the personal lives of individuals that included violent means of human oppression.

In the final article on the abortion issue, which was coauthored by my associate, Dr. Douglas Wallace, the major motivating force underlying the anti-abortion ideology that was suggested from the primitive culture data was examined—namely, anti-sexual pleasure (Prescott and Wallace, 1978).

An analysis of the voting patterns of the Pennsylvania House on abortion and on a bill that made fornication and adultery a felony yielded the following results: 85% who supported abortion rights supported rights of self-determination of sexual expression; and 86% who opposed abortion rights opposed rights of self-determination of sexual expression.

Similarly, the voting patterns in the Pennsylvania Senate with respect to abortion and a bill that would prevent homosexuals from being hired by the state government were examined. These evaluations yielded the following results: 73% who supported abortion rights supported homosexual rights of employment; and 89% who opposed abortion opposed homosexual rights of employment.

In addition to the above findings, extensive questionnaire data were reported from 688 males and 1,178 females from various walks of life on abortion ideology and other life values. Based upon the fifty-six-item questionnaire, the following items were the most highly and statistically linked to the statement, "Abortion should be punished by society" (Prescott and Wallace, 1978):

1. Prostitution should be punished by society. 2. Unmarried persons having sex with their lovers is wrong. 3. Sexual pleasures help build a weak moral character. 4. Physical punishment and pain help build a strong moral character. 5. Society should interfere with private sexual behavior between adults. 6. Nudity within the family has a harmful influence upon children.

The above findings taken collectively from primitive cultures, modern cultures, and legislative bodies strongly support an "anti-sexual pleasure" ethic as a major driving force underlying the anti-abortion ideology.

Although the above data have been available over the past eight to eleven years, they have not been utilized in confronting the increasing virulence and violence of the anti-abortion movement—that is, the numerous fire bombings and violent attacks against medical clinics and personnel providing abortion services to women and the increasing legislative attacks on the fundamental right of women to be mothers by choice.

The production of The Silent Scream by the anti-abortion movement is another attempt to mislead the public and legislators into believing that the anti-abortion movement has a fundamental concern and compassion about human pain, suffering, and violence. Since the publication of the above studies, additional statistics on voting on bills before the U.S. Congress have become available, making possible the direct examination of the anti-abortion movement's claims of compassion for human pain, suffering, and violence, as purportedly reflected in The Silent Scream, and for the cross-validation in the U.S. House of Representatives of certain relationships that had been previously established in the U.S. Senate.

The following analyses of voting patterns evaluate the one hundred pro-choice congressmen and one hundred anti-choice congressmen identified by Catholics for a Free Choice as totally supporting or totally opposing abortion rights of women (Catholics for a Free Choice, 1985). I have characterized the three legislative bills evaluated for this study as: (1) Human Pain and Suffering Bill (H.R. 5290); (2) Jeopardizing Human Lives Bill (H.R. 4332); and 3) Promoting Human Violence Bill (H.J. Res. 540).

The Human Pain and Suffering Bill was the bill to permit the use of parenteral diacetylmorphine (heroin) for the relief of intractable pain due to terminal cancer (H R. 5290: Compassionate Pain Relief Act). The vote analyzed was on the Hughes Amendment and other amendments to H.R. 5290 which specified circumstances when pain "may not be effectively treated with currently available analgesic medications." The Hughes Amendment was defeated 231 to 178, with 22 not voting on September 19, 1984. (See, Congressional Record, U.S. House of Representatives, Roll No. 400 Hughes Amendment to H.R. 5290: Compassionate Pain Relief Act; September 19, 1984; H9790-9791.)

The Jeopardizing Human Lives Bill was on gun control legislation, specifically the Federal Firearms Law Reform Act of 1986 (H.R. 4322). The vote analyzed was on the Hughes Amendment, which limited the serious weakening of the 1968 Gun Control Act under H.R. 4332. If H.R. 4332 was passed without the Hughes Amendment, it would have significantly increased the danger to lives of the public and law enforcement of officers. (Police organizations supported the Hughes Amendment.) The vote was taken on April 9, 1986, and the Hughes Amendment was defeated 242 to 177, with 15 not voting. (See, Congressional Record, U.S. House of Representatives, Roll. NO. 71 Hughes Amendment to H.R. 4332; Federal Firearms Law Reform Act of 1986; April 9, 1986; H1704.)

The promoting Human Violence Bill was the vote on "Contra Aid" (H.J. Res. 540) which "approves the additional authorities and assistance for the Nicaraguan democratic resistance that the President requested pursuant to the International Security and Development Cooperation Act of 1985, not withstanding section 10 of Public law 91-672." The vote was taken on March 20, 1986, Roll No. 64, and was defeated 222 to 210, with 3 not voting. (See, Congressional Record, U.S. House of Representatives, Roll No. 64, H.J. Res. 540: Contra Aid; March 20, 1986; H1493.)

TABLES 1 through 4 present the roll call votes on the above three bills for the one hundred pro-choice and one hundred anti-choice congressmen. The data have been organized into the following four basic groups:

TABLE l: Pro-choice and Anti-pain (supports H.R. 5290)
TABLE 2: Anti-choice and Pro-pain (opposes H.R. 5290)
TABLE 3: Pro-choice and Pro-pain (opposes H.R. 5290)
TABLE 4: Anti-choice and Anti-pain (supports H.R. 5290)
TABLE 1
U.S. House of Representatives Roll Call Vote of Pro-choice and Anti-pain Congressmen
(Average Pro-Child-Life Score equals 92)

Congressman District Pro-Child Score Gun Control Contra Aid Congressman District Pro-Child Score Gun Control Contra Aid

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Ackerman D-NY 100 Y N Leven D-MI 100 Y N
Barnes D-MD 100 Y N Levine D-CA 100 Y N
Bates D-CA 100 Y N Lundine D-NY 100 N N
Beilenson D-CA 100 Y N McKernan R-ME 83 N Y
Berman D-CA 100 Y N Mikulski D-MD 100 Y N
Bosco D-CA 83 N N Miller D-CA 100 Y N
Boxer D-CA 100 Y N Mineta D-CA 100 Y N
Britt D-NC 100 O O Moody D-WI 100 Y N
Burton D-CA 100 Y N Neal D-NC 100 N N
Carr D-MI 83 N N Obey D-WI 100 N N
Clay D-MO 100 Y N Ottinger D-NY 100 O O
Coelho D-CA 100 N N Pease D-OH 100 Y N
Coleman D-TX 100 N N Pickle D-TX 83 Y N
Dellums D-CA 100 Y N Pritchard R-WA 33 O O
Dicks D-WA 100 Y N Richardson D-NM 100 N N
Downey D-NY 100 Y N Roybal D-CA 100 Y N
Edgar D-PA 100 Y N Sabo D-MN 100 Y N
Edwards D-CA 100 Y N Savage D-CO 67 Y N
Evans D-OH 100 Y N Scheuer D-NY 100 Y N
Fazio D-CA 100 Y N Schroeder D-CO 83 Y N
Feighan D-OH 83 Y N Schumer D-NY 83 Y N
Foley D-WA 100 N N Seiberling D-OH 100 Y N
Ford D-TN 100 Y N Smith D-VA 100 O O
Frank D-MA 100 Y N Snowe R-ME 83 N N
Gejdenson D-CT 100 Y N Solarz D-NY 100 Y N
Gekas R-PA 33 N Y Stark D-CA 100 Y N
Green R-NY 67 Y N Stokes D-OH 67 A N
Hall D-IN 67 ? ? Waxman D-CA 100 Y N
Hoyer D-MD 100 A N Weiss D-NY 100 Y N
Johnson R-CT 83 Y Y Williams D-MT 100 N N
Kastenmeier D-WI 100 Y N Wirth D-CO 100 Y N
Kennelly D-CT 100 Y N Wise D-WV 100 N N
Lantos D-CA 67 Y N Wolpe D-MI 83 Y N
Leland D-TX 50 Y N Yates D-IL 100 Y N

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Y = Yes; N = No; A = Abstain; O = Not a member of the 99th Congress

In addition to the above information, a "Pro-Child-Life Score" is listed for each congressman and ranges from zero to one hundred. This score was developed by Catholics for a Free Choice on six legislative bills that affected the health and well-being of children (Catholics for a Free Choice, 1985). The six legislative bills used to derive the score dealt with budget increase, child nutrition, Medicaid and Aid for Families with Dependent Children, Head Start and child care, budget reduction for the Department of Health and Human Services, and the food stamp program. This score is analogous to the National Farmers Union Family Nurturance Score utilized in my previoua studies and is compared to it below.

The average Pro-Child-Life Score for the pro-choice and anti-pain congressmen is ninety-two; it is only forty-nine for the anti-choice and pro-pain congressmen. This finding is comparable to and cross-validates the NFU Family Nurturance Scores in the U.S. Senate study in which the pro-choice and anti-capital-punishment senators had an average score of ninety-six compared to forty-four for anti-choice and pro-capital-punishment senators.

TABLE 2
U.S. House of Representatives Roll Call Vote of Anti-choice and Pro-pain Congressmen
(Average Pro-Child-Life Score equals 49)

Congressman District Pro-Child Score Gun Control Contra Aid Congressman District Pro-Child Score Gun Control Contra Aid

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Bevil D-AL 100 N Y Lowery R-CA 17 N Y
Billrakis R-FL 33 N Y McCain R-AZ 33 N Y
Boggs D-LA 83 Y N McEwen R-OH 17 N Y
Borski D-PA 100 Y N Martin R-NY 50 A Y
Broomfield R-MI 50 Y Y Mavroules D-MA 100 Y N
Burton R-IN 17 N Y Mazzoli U-KY 100 Y N
Byron D-MD 50 N Y Michel R-IL 17 N Y
Clinger R-PA 67 N Y Miller R-OH 17 N Y
Coats R-IN 17 N Y Mollnari R-NY 33 Y Y
Conte R-MA 67 Y N Mollohan D-WV 100 N N
Crane R-IL 0 N Y Montgomery D-MA 50 N Y
Dannemeyer R-CA 0 N Y Murtha D-PA 100 N Y
Daub R-NE 17 N Y Myers D-KY 17 N Y
Duncan R-TN 33 N Y Natcher D-KY 83 N N
Durbin D-IL 100 N N Nelson D-FL 50 N Y
Emerson R-MO 33 N Y Nichols D-AL 67 A Y
Fields R-TX 33 N Y Nielson R-UT 17 N Y
Gaydos D-PA 67 N Y Oberstar D-MN 100 N N
Gerphardt D-MO 100 A N Packard R-CA 17 N Y
Gibbons D-FL 67 Y Y Petri R-WI 50 N Y
Gingrich R-GA 0 N Y Quillen R-TN 17 N Y
Goodling R-PA 33 Y Y Regula R-OH 33 N Y
Gradison R-OH 17 Y Y Rinaldo R-NH 67 Y Y
Gregg R-NH 17 N Y Ritter R-PA 17 N Y
Hall D-TX 50 ? ? Roe D-NJ 100 Y N
Hansen R-UT 17 N Y Rogers R-KY 33 N Y
Hertel D-MI 83 Y N Roth R-WI 33 N Y
Hiler R-IN 17 N Y Rudd R-AZ 17 N Y
Holt R-MD 33 N Y Russo D-IL 100 Y N
Hopkins R-KY 33 N N St. Germain D-RI 100 Y N
Hunter R-CA 0 N Y Schaefer R-CO 17 N Y
Hutto D-FL 67 Y Y Sensenbrenner R-WI 0 N Y
Hyde R-IL 50 N Y Shaw R-FL 17 N Y
Kemp R-NY 17 N Y Sikorski D-MN 100 N N
Kildee D-MI 100 Y N Skelton D-MO 83 N Y
Lagomarsino R-CA 17 N Y Smith R-NJ 50 Y Y
Latta R-OH 17 N Y Smith R-OR 17 N Y
Leath D-TX 33 N Y Smith R-NE 33 N Y
Lipinski D-IL 100 Y Y Whitten D-MA 83 N N
Livingston R-LA 33 N Y Wolf R-VA 33 Y Y
Lloyd D-TN 50 N N Yatron D-PA 100 N Y
Loeffler R-TX 33 N Y Young R-FL 31 Y Y
Long D-LA 100 N N Young R-AK 67 N Y
Lott R-MS 33 N Y Young D-MO 100 N Y

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Y = Yes, N = No, A = Abstain, O = Not a member of the 99th Congress

TABLE 3
U.S. House of Representatives Roll Call Vote of Pro-choice and Pro-pain Congressmen
(Average Pro-Child-Life Score equals 79)

Congressman District Pro-Child Score Gun Control Contra Aid Congressman District Pro-Child Score Gun Control Contra Aid

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Anderson D-CA 83 Y N MacKay D-FL 100 N N
AuCoin D-OR 67 N N Morrison D-WA 50 N Y
Boehlert R-NY 67 N N Panetta D-CA 100 Y N
Brooks D-TX 100 N N Pursell R-MI 50 Y Y
Chandler R-WA 67 Y Y Rangel D-NY 100 Y N
Collins D-IL 100 Y N Rose D-NC 100 Y N
Crockett D-MI 83 Y N Roukema R-NJ 33 Y Y
Fascell D-FL 100 Y Y Rowland D-GA 100 N N
Fiedler R-CA 33 N Y Schneider R-RI 83 Y N
Gonzalez D-TX 83 Y N Spratt D-SC 100 Y N
Gray D-PA 100 Y N Vandergriff D-TX 50 O O
Hatcher D-GA 100 Y Y Wyden D-OR 100 N N
Levitas D-GA 67 O O Zschau R-CA 33 Y Y

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Y = Yes, N = No, A = Abstain, O = Not a member of the 99th Congress

TABLE 4
U.S. House of Representatives Roll Call Vote of Anti-choice and Anti-pain Congressmen
(Average Pro-Child-Life Score equals 80)

Congressman District Pro-Child Score Gun Control Contra Aid

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

DeWine R-OH 17 N Y
Donnelly D-MA 100 Y N
Hamilton D-IL 83 N N
Luken D-OH 100 N N
Perkins D-KY 100 N N

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Y = Yes; N = No; A=Abstain; O = Not a member of the 99th Congress

TABLE 5
U.S. House of Representatives Voting Relationships on Freedom of Choice and Freedom from Pain

Pro-choice Anti-choice SUM
Anti-pain 36%
N = 68 3%
N = 5 73
Pro-pain 14%
N = 26 47%
N = 88 114
SUM 94 93 187

83% Valid Relationship
Chi Square = 88.08 Z = 9.39
N = 187; p << 0.00001

72% (68 of 94) Pro-choice congressmen support human pain relief
95% (88 of 93) Anti-choice congressmen oppose human pain relief

TABLE 6
U.S. House of Representatives Voting Relationships on Freedom of Choice, freedom from Pain, and Gun Control

Pro-choice &
Anti-pain Anti-choice &
Pro-pain SUM
Pro-Gun
Control 32%
N = 47 10%
N = 14 61
Anti-Gun
Control 15%
N = 21 43%
N = 63 84
SUM 68 77 145

75% Valid Relationship
Chi Square = 38.44, Z = 6.20
N = 145, p << 0.00001

69% (47 of 68) Pro-choice and anti-pain congressmen support gun control
82% (63 of 77) Anti-choice and pro-pain congressmen oppose gun control

TABLE 7
U.S. House of Representatives Voting Relationships on Freedom of Choice, Freedom from Pain, and Contra Aid

Pro-choice &
Anti-pain Anti-choice &
Pro-pain SUM
Pro-Contra
Aid 2%
N = 3 45%
N = 67 70
Anti-Contra
Aid 40%
N = 60 13%
N = 20 80
SUM 63 87 150

85% Valid Relationship
Chi Square = 76.64, Z = 8.75
N = 150, p << 0.00001

95% (60 of 63) Pro-choice and anti-pain congressmen oppose Contra Aid
77% (67 of 87) Anti-choice and pro-pain congressmen support Contra Aid

TABLE 5 presents the basic analysis that compares the relationship between votes on abortion and human pain. In brief: 36% (68 of 187) of the total sample support pro-choice and human pain relief legislation; 47% (88 of 187) of the total sample oppose pro-choice and human pain relief legislation; 83% (156 of 187) of the total sample support the basic psychological relationship between abortion values and human pain which is statistically very significant.

More specifically: 72% (68 of 94) of pro-choice congressmen support human pain relief; 95% (88 of 93) of anti-choice congressmen oppose human pain relief in dying cancer patients!

Only three percent of the sample are anti-choice and anti-pain, which is interpreted as reflecting a "consistent life" position. The average Pro-Child-Life Score of this group is eighty, although the reliability of this score is limited given the small sample size and its variability.

The most psychologically and politically complex group of voters is the pro-choice and pro-pain group, and it demonstrates the greatest variability in Pro-Child-Life Scores. Time and space does not permit a further discussion of this group of voters.

In summary, these data contravene the claims of members of the anti-abortion movement that they have a basic compassion for human pain and suffering, which they attempt to portray in The Silent Scream.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

TABLE 6 presents the basic analysis that compares the pro-choice and anti-pain congressmen with the anti-choice and pro-pain congressmen on gun control. In brief: 32% (47 of 145) of the total sample who are pro-choice and anti-pain support gun control legislation; 43% (63 of 145) of the total sample who are anti-choice and pro-pain oppose gun control legislation; 75% (110 of 145) of the total sample support the basic psychological relationship between abortion values and human pain with gun control.

More specifically: 69% (47 of 68) of pro-choice and anti-pain congressmen support gun control legislation; 82% (63 of 77) of anti-choice and pro-pain congressmen oppose gun control legislation. The above data confirm in the U.S. House of Representatives the relationship between abortion and gun control legislation that was previously found in the U.S. Senate. Opposition to abortion is associated with support of legislation that increases the risk to human lives from the violent use of handguns. These data provide no support for and, in fact, contravene the claims of the anti-abortion movement that they have a basic compassion for the victims of violence which they attempt to portray in The Silent Scream.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

TABLE 7 presents the basic analysis that compares the pro-choice and anti-pain congressmen with the anti-choice and pro-pain congressmen on Contra Aid—this is, support for violent revolution. In brief: 40% (10 of 160) of the total sample who are pro-choice and anti-pain oppose Contra Aid—that is, oppose support for violent revolution; 45% (67 of 150) of the total sample who are anti-choice and pro-pain support Contra Aid—that is, support violent revolution; 85% (127 of 150) of the total sample support the basic psychological relationship between abortion values and pain with violent revolution.

More specifically: 95% (60 of 63) of pro-choice and anti-pain congressmen oppose Contra Aid—that is, oppose support of human violence; 77% (67 of 87) of anti-choice and pro-pain congressmen support Contra Aid—that is, provide support for human violence.

The above data contravene the claims of the anti-abortion movement that they have a basic compassion for the victims of violence, which they attempt to portray in The Silent Scream.

In summarizing previous and current data on the anti-abortion "personality" and "subculture," a profile emerges from these scientific studies with the following characteristics:

Authoritarian control over the personal lives of individuals, as it is reflected in the practice of slavery in primitive cultures, the legislative denial of freedom for women in modern cultures to be mothers by choice, and the imposition of arbitrary police arrests and seizures.
Support of human violence and its associated disregard for the dignity and integrity of the human body, as it is reflected in support of such physical assaults against the human body as: torture, mutilation, and killing of enemy captured in warfare; support of capital punishment; support of the war in Vietnam and violent revotulion (Contra Aid); opposition to gun control legislaton; violent attacks on medical clinics and personnel providing abortion services to women; and participation in the exploitation of a fetus in an abortion procedure to produce a false film "documentary" to serve authoritarian political and religious objectives.
Indifference to human pain and suffering, as it is reflected in the refusal to provide effective medicine to control excruciating pain in dying cancer patients.
Authoritarian control and denial of the fundamental right of self-determination in sexual expression, as it is reflected in the punishment of prostitution and premarital and extramarital sexuality, in mandatory fornication and adultery as felonious crimes, and in punishment of homosexuality.
Indifference to the quality of life of children, as it is reflected in the economic exploitation of children (primitive cultures) and failure to provide basic medical care, food, education, and clothing for poor children and their families (legislative actions).
A moral value system that equates human pain, suffering and violence with moral strength and, conversely, equates sexual pleasure and relief from pain and suffering with moral weakness.
It is emphasized that the foregoing does not apply to certain individuals who represent 3 to 13 percent of the populations studied. These individuals are characterized by opposition to abortion and physical violence; they respect rights to sexual privacy and choice and have high child and family nurturance scores.

Given the profound moral, psychological, and political dimensions of the abortion controversy, it is unlikely that "data alone" will resolve it. The solution is prevention, with which women have complete control over their reproductive state. The prevention of all unintended and unwanted pregnancies should be our common goal.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

References
Catholics for a Free Choice. 1985. Reproductive Choice: What It Means and Where Congress Stands. Washington, DC: Catholics for a Free Choice.

Jaworski, Patricia, 1986 audio tape. "Thinking about The Silent Scream." New York: Jaworski Productions.

Prescott, J.W. July/August 1978. "Abortion and the 'Right-to-Life': Facts, Fallacies, and Fraud. I. Cross-Cultural Studies." The Humanist, pp. 18-24.

——. March 1976. "Violence, Pleasure, and Religion." The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, p. 62.

——. April 1975. "Body Pleasure and the Origins of Violence." The Futurist, pp. 64-74.

——. March/April 1975. "Abortion or the Unwanted Child: A Choice for a Humanistic Society." The Humanist, pp. 11-15.

——. November/December 1972. "Before Ethics and Morality." The Humanist; pp. 19-21.

Prescott, J.W., and Wallace, D. November/December 1978. "Abortion and the 'Right-to-Life': Facts, Fallacies, and Fraud. II. Psychometric Studies." The Humanist, pp. 36-42.

.
.
.



Pages